Arrival of Horthy

Back to the catalogue
On November 16, 1919, Admiral Miklós Horthy entered Budapest on a white horse. His triumphant entry marked both a political turning point and the rise of the Horthy cult, linking national renewal with Christian and patriotic imagery. Despite calls for discipline, the National Army’s arrival also resulted in episodes of violence and repression, particularly against perceived political opponents.

Arrival of Horthy – Budapest – Buda Castle

Hungarian figure of the „Creation of the modern states (1918-1920)” topic

The arrival of Miklós Horthy in Budapest on November 16, 1919, marked a significant turning point in Hungarian history, symbolizing the end of the Hungarian Soviet Republic and the beginning of a new era dominated by Horthy’s regency. Horthy’s rise to power was not an isolated event but the culmination of a series of complex political and military developments that reshaped Hungary in the aftermath of World War I.

On November 16, 1919, a poster designed by Manno Miltiades appeared on the streets of Budapest, symbolizing the political message of Horthy’s entry into the city. The image was widely referenced in contemporary articles and speeches, and it was printed by the Kellner and Mohrlüder press. After the fall of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, Miltiades was labeled during the socialist era as a Horthy-era bourgeois artist because of his outspoken posters and drawings criticizing the communist regime; his work was largely neglected, and he unjustly fell into obscurity. His last major success came in 1932 at the Los Angeles Olympics, where he was awarded a silver medal in the arts competition for sculpture.

Horthy’s journey to power began in Szeged, where he became the leader of the National Army in June 1919. Szeged had become a center of counter-revolutionary activity against the Hungarian Soviet Republic, which had been established following the collapse of the Aster Revolution and the short-lived Hungarian Democratic Republic. As the leader of the counter-revolutionary forces, Horthy played a pivotal role in organizing and leading the military opposition to the communist regime. The counter-revolutionary governments in Szeged provided the initial support for Horthy’s ambitions, laying the groundwork for his eventual rise to power.

Before Szeged, Horthy’s anti-Bolshevik sentiments were already evident during his time in Vienna, where he was involved with the Anti-Bolshevik Committee. This committee, composed of exiled Hungarian aristocrats and military leaders, aimed to overthrow the communist regime in Hungary and restore a conservative, nationalist government. Horthy’s association with this group further cemented his position as a key figure in the struggle against the Hungarian Soviet Republic.

Meanwhile, in Budapest, the political chaos following the Aster Revolution of 1918 and the subsequent establishment of the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919 created a power vacuum that Horthy was poised to fill. The fall of the Soviet Republic and the disillusionment with radical leftist policies created a fertile ground for Horthy’s ascendancy. His leadership of the National Army, headquartered in Siófok, was instrumental in dismantling the Soviet regime and establishing order in the chaotic post-war environment.

Horthy’s entry into Budapest – Filmhíradók Online (Hungarian World Newsreels by Hungarian Film Archive)

Upon his arrival in Budapest, Horthy delivered a significant speech at the Gellért Hotel, emphasizing his commitment to restoring order and rejecting the communist and revolutionary ideologies that had dominated Hungary in the previous years. His speech resonated with many Hungarians who were desperate for stability after years of turmoil. This moment marked the official beginning of Horthy’s regency, a period that would last until the end of World War II.

The consolidation of Horthy’s power was not without challenges. One notable event was the Battle of Budaörs in 1921, where Horthy’s forces clashed with supporters of Charles I of Austria, who attempted to reclaim the Hungarian throne. Horthy’s victory in this battle solidified his control over Hungary and ensured the continuation of his regency.

Horthy’s legacy is complex and controversial. In his hometown of Kenderes, his memory is preserved with monuments and museums, reflecting his significant but divisive role in Hungarian history. The memory of his regency is intertwined with Hungary’s troubled interwar period, marked by territorial losses, economic hardship, and the rise of authoritarianism.

In other regions, like Pécs and the Leitha-Banat area (now Oberwart, Austria), the post-war period saw ethnic and territorial conflicts, such as the establishment of the short-lived Serbian–Hungarian Baranya–Baja Republic. These events further complicated the political landscape that Horthy sought to control.

The Naval Memorial and the Horthy Miklós Bridge, inaugurated on October 10, 1937, became important symbols of the Horthy cult. Due to speeches delivered at the inauguration and the wartime commemorations of the Battle of Otranto, wreath-laying ceremonies were regularly held here. The memorial thus served as a key site for reinforcing Horthy’s legacy before the Second World War. The memorial was damaged during the Siege of Budapest when the bridge was blown up by German forces; while the bridge was rebuilt in 1952, the remnants of the memorial were dismantled.

Horthy’s arrival in Budapest and his subsequent rule are critical in understanding the trajectory of Hungary in the 20th century. His regency represented both the restoration of conservative order and the suppression of revolutionary movements, setting the stage for the events that would unfold in Hungary leading up to and during World War II. His legacy continues to be debated in Hungary and across Central Europe, reflecting the enduring impact of his leadership on the region’s history.

Facts

Back to the topic
Back to the catalogue

RECALL Project

„RECALL: A Study of Central European Places of Memory for Collective Remembrance”
2023-1-HU01-KA220-HED-000154286

Funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA). Neither the European Union nor EACEA can be held responsible for them.